"Tell that to our moderates," Fasano retorted. "New Englanders like Kate Jarman and Cassie Rollins. Not to mention Chad Palmer."
At this mention of Palmer, Gage stared fixedly at Fasano's Persian rug. "Palmer," he said quietly, "was what went wrong with Masters. Kilcannon got to him first. Don't let that happen here."
"I don't intend to. But Palmer will want something."
"Then find a way to give it to him. At least within reason." Gage sat back, his manner becoming more expansive. "Want my overall advice on how to beat Kilcannon on gun control?"
"That's what I was hoping for."
"Lie low. Let Kilcannon make all the noise, and let the SSA work below the radar screen. Control the calendar—slow things down until passions have cooled, so that the natural order of politics can reassert itself. Let other senators take the lead. Just remind folks of how much better it is when this great deliberative body is allowed to work its will, so that we get the right bill rather than a hasty one."
That, Fasano thought, was merely stating the obvious. Pointedly, he asked, "No nuances? After all, we're dealing with a President's murdered relatives."
Contentment crept into Gage's features, as if he had been waiting for this moment, certain enough of Fasano's purpose to know that it would come. "Just a story I heard," he answered smoothly. "Maybe it's worth passing on."
Gage paused, as if reluctant to impart unpleasant news. "Awhile ago you mentioned Martin Bresler, and whether it was the SSA that took him down for dealing with Kilcannon on safety locks. What I heard, Frank, is that Bresler brought this deal to
Fasano felt his expression go blank, his reflex when cornered. "Go on."
"The story is that Bresler told you that this was our party's chance to moderate our image—embrace 'gun safety' and help the manufacturers find a way out of trouble. If it worked out right, the rumor has Bresler telling you, maybe our party could take some modest steps like background checks at gun shows."
Fasano mustered a smile. "And so?"
"So Kilcannon's argument is that Lexington could have stopped the murder of his wife's family." Pausing, Gage's voice softened. "His real argument, if he knew about this rumor, would be that
Fasano shrugged. "In this town, Mac, you hear all sorts of things."
"I know." Glancing around his former office, Gage's voice filled with sympathy and regret. "A false rumor cost me
And with it, Fasano guessed, a tacit message from the SSA. "Thanks, Mac," he answered blandly. "You've always been a friend."
TEN
Two days after his return, Kerry met with Clayton Slade; Jack Sanders, his principal domestic policy advisor; and Alex Cole, his congressional liaison.
In those two days—despite the chorus of relief and praise stemming from the announcement of Mahmoud Al Anwar's death—the President had not appeared in public. Though the media was an echo chamber of speculation, in the tumult over Al Anwar there had been no leaks regarding his directive to Clayton, Sanders and Cole. This was as Kerry intended.
Before the others were settled, Clayton took Kerry aside. "Bob Lenihan called, Mr. President. He made his apologies for asking, but he desperately wants to see you."
This brought an ironic smile to Kerry's lips. "No matter how dire the national condition, or my own, I'll always have time for Bob." Turning, he spoke to Cole. "Run that tape for us, Alex. At the least it will focus our thinking."
Cole pressed the button on Kerry's VCR. On the screen, Paul Harshman of Idaho, a member of the SSA Board of Governors, stood in the well of the Senate. Gravely, he read from his copy of a letter sent to Kerry by George Callister, provided to Harshman by Lexington Arms.
"It's an interesting experience," the President said with muted sarcasm, "hearing your own mail read aloud. It almost sounds like I wasn't meant to read it."
"
"Only handguns?" Kerry murmured. "Once again, Callister forgot the bullets."
On the tape, Harshman's gaunt visage assumed an expression of deep solemnity. "To
"
"No doubt Bowden would have volunteered," Clayton remarked.