Balance of Power

    Kilcannon's delivery was staccato now. Palmer watched his fellow legislators—jaded though many were—become caught up in the rhythm of his words.

    "A ban on all high-capacity magazines and cop-killer bullets. It makes no sense to treat weapons suited to the mass slaughter of the innocent as a household tool of self-defense . . ."

    The gallery stood, emitting a cry of approval, and suddenly the Democratic congressmen and senators were on their feet. Watching, the President briefly nodded.

* * *

"Look at the little demagogue," Harshman murmured to Fasano.

    Fasano glanced at him sharply. "You look at him, Paul. When you chose to read that letter aloud, you teed this up for him."

    He turned back to appraise the President. This time, Fasano noted, Kilcannon had let the roar subside, speaking softly into the silence. "More funding," the President continued, "to prosecute all those committing gun crimes. It makes no sense to say that we should enforce 'existing law,' and then ensure that we lack the resources to enforce it.

    "Full funding for the Centers for Disease Control to conduct research regarding the impact of violence on public health. It makes no sense to do this for accidents involving cars and then cut every dime of funding—as Congress has—to suppress the truth about the causes and costs of deaths and injuries involving guns."

    This time Fasano said nothing to Senator Harshman. He did not need to—it was Harshman who had stripped the CDC of funding at the behest of the SSA.

    "Finally," the President concluded, "mandatory safety locks on every new gun sold, including combination locks which keep guns from being fired by someone other than the owner. It makes no sense to protect children from design flaws in toy guns and candy cigarettes, and do nothing to prevent them from killing themselves—or being killed—by real guns."

* * *

    "Eighty-six percent." In her elation, Kit Pace grinned at Clayton. "You win."

    Clayton nodded. In close-up, Kerry appeared relaxed now, more confident than Clayton had ever seen him.

    Let me be clear, Kerry was saying in the gentle lilt that, to Clayton, held a trace of Irish poetry. I do not accept that violence in America is caused

by guns alone. I support the right of all law-abiding citizens to own a gun for any lawful purpose. And I believe that gun owners and non–gun owners can share a common dream: to someday make deaths like these so rare that our grandchildren will learn of them with disbelief and wonder.

    Together, we can do this. I call on you to join me. I implore the Congress to act. And, for my own part, I will do my best to reach across the senseless divisions of the past.

    

There is, I believe, a first step I should take . . .

    "Here it comes," Clayton said to Kit.

    Several days ago, I received a letter from George Callister, the president of Lexington Arms. Senator Harshman read it to the Senate. But in the difficulties of the moment, I could not find the words to respond.

    I do so now.

    To Mr. Callister, I say, I fully appreciate and understand the spirit of your let

ter. I invite you to meet with me, alone, to seek ways to end these needless deaths. With lives at stake, we must not fail.

    "Callister," Clayton murmured with a smile, "will regret that letter more than he could ever know."

    On the screen, the President gazed up at the gallery, and then at the members of Congress. Before he was murdered by a man with a gun, Kilcannon finished, Robert Kennedy admonished us "to tame the savagery of man, and make gentle the life of the world."

    In the name of our common humanity, let us begin.