Pushkin’s prose was still less accommodating to mystical matters than his poetry. His great contemporary, Nikolay Gogol, was far more openly pious, as was reflected, for example, in his moralistic correspondence with his mother and sisters. Yet even Gogol’s beliefs remained curiously marginal to his works. To be sure, some of his stories have an affinity with Christian parable. Both Old-World Landowners
(1835) and The Overcoat (1841) are intimately connected with an ascetic Christian critique of self-gratification and the accumulation of material possessions: in both, the ‘mistake’ made by the characters is not to ‘lay up treasure in heaven’, not to prepare for the inevitable day of divine judgement. But both texts, like Gogol’s great novel Dead Souls and his play The Government Inspector, were the product of a talent that found sinfulness easier to imagine than virtue. The main character of The Overcoat, the pathetic Akaky Akakievich, with his scatological name (kakat’ is a childish word for defecation, ‘to cack’) and his haemorrhoidal complexion, was a walking vision of fleshly disgust, someone who, like the characters in Dead Souls, was a corpse in Christian terms long before his death.The search for an Orthodox revival in literature emerged in theory before it did in practice, then. It was expressed not only in Gogol’s treatise Selected Passages from Correspondence with Friends
, but also in the work of writers associated with the ‘Slavophile’ movement of national conservatives that began to emerge in the late 1830s – Ivan Kireevsky, Aleksey Khomyakov, and Konstantin Aksakov. Where radical writers were rabidly secular in their tastes, the Slavophiles looked back nostalgically to Russia before the time of Peter the Great, when, so they believed, religion had infused every aspect of secular life. The fact that imaginative literature was itself a Western concept (as I mentioned in Chapter 2, textual production in medieval Russia was dominated by ecclesiastical needs) did not worry the Slavophiles, since they believed it was possible to combine the best features of Western and native Russian ‘enlightenment’ (prosveshchenie). The culmination of their ideas, in a literary sense, was the work of Dostoevsky, a socialist sympathizer transformed by the experience of mock execution and incarceration in a labour camp into an Orthodox believer, a conservative, and by far the greatest ‘theological’ writer of the nineteenth century. The memoirs, novels, and stories that Dostoevsky wrote after his return from Siberian exile were not ‘religious’ merely in the sense that they focused upon themes of transgression and repentance, or topical issues such as the reform of the church courts, or because they included characters who were believers. They were also permeated by religious concepts that shaped structure and plot as well as appearing in arguments, most importantly sobornost (a term coined by Khomyakov to describe a social unity modelled upon that of the sobornaya tserkov, the phrase used for ‘Holy Catholic Church’ in the Orthodox Creed) and kenosis (‘emptying out’, a term denominating the striving to commune with others, to the point of self-loss). Both of these concepts were central to Dostoevsky’s final and most obviously Orthodox novel, The Brothers Karamazov (1879–80). They underlay the portraits of Alyosha Karamazov and of his teacher Zosima, whose godly death was a counterbalance to the brutal parricide at the heart of the novel. They were also at the heart of the Fable of the Grand Inquisitor, where the Inquisitor himself spoke for a utilitarian, ‘Western’ view of Church power working in the world to right material injustice, while the silent Christ stood for spiritual probity of a non-interventionist, contemplative kind.