The Augustan Empire 43 BC

The East came first. Its regulation would be a massive task, but a rewarding one; and it also offered the possibility of a war against Parthia. King Orodes had helped Cassius and Brutus,[13] and vengeance was in order; indeed, the republican commander Labienus was still at the Parthian court. No one yet knew what to expect of that; but, whether or not Parthia attacked Roman Asia Minor again, a Roman general could always attack Parthia, avenging Crassus' defeat, tickling the Roman imagination and enhancing his own prestige. He might even appear a second Alexander, if all went well: that always had a particular appeal to Roman fancy.

Antony spent the winter of 42/1 in Greece, where he made a parade of his philhellenism.[14] In spring 41 he crossed to Asia; it seems that he visited Bithynia, and presumably Pontus too, before returning to the Aegean coast.[15] At Ephesus, effectively Asia's capital, he was greeted as a god — such acclamations were by now almost routine in the East;[16] but exuberance soon turned sour, as Antony addressed representatives of the Asian cities and announced his financial demands. Yet again, the East found it had to fund both sides in a Roman civil war: and this time vast sums were needed to satisfy the legions — perhaps 15 0,000 talents if all the promised rewards were to be paid.[17] That was well beyond even the East's resources, especially after the exactions of Dolabella, then Cassius and Brutus. Antony eventually demanded nine years' tribute from Asia, to be paid over two years;[18] and he would be fortunate if the province could manage that. Asia's normal tribute was probably less than 2,000 talents a year.[19] Even allowing for contributions from the other eastern provinces and for extra sums from client kings and free cities,²⁶ Antony could scarcely hope for more than 20,000 talents, the amount which Sulla raised in a similar levy after the Mithridatic War. And not all of that could be spent on rewards. There were the running costs of Antony's army and staff; there was a fleet to build, for Murcus, Ahenobarbus and Sextus were still worryingly strong;²⁷ there were preparations to be made for war with Parthia. The troops were still calling for their rewards a year later.²⁸

Yet there was generosity, too, in Antony's dispensations. He par­doned virtually all the supporters of Brutus and Cassius, excepting only those who had participated in the tyrannicide itself; that was more merciful than many expected.²⁹ The states that had suffered worst from the Liberators, Lycia and Rhodes, were excused from the levies; later he extended a similar clemency to Laodicea and Tarsus. Rhodes was indeed given some new territory — Andros, Tenos, Naxos and Myndus.³⁰ From mainland Greece the Athenians soon sent an embassy, and they too were favoured: they gained control of several islands, including Aegina. Antony was clearly favouring the great cultural centres. Such ostenta­tious philhellenism doubtless came naturally to him, but it might also prove politically valuable, and not merely in certain circles at Rome: in the East itself it had become fashionable for monarchs to show their enthusiasm for the great cities of the past by benefactions, and they might applaud Antony when he showed similar indulgence. It was also probably now, and in line with the same cultural policy, that he granted various privileges and immunities to 'the worldwide association of victors in the festival games' - an association which, it seems, included artists and poets as well as athletes.³¹ Antony spent the rest of summer 41 in touring the eastern provinces, imposing further levies and beginning to reorganize the administration after the disruption of the war: Antony himself could refer to Asia's need to recover from its 'great illness'.³²

The range and deftness of his dispositions were eventually to be peculiarly impressive, but as yet there was only time for a few piecemeal measures. The highest priority had to be the regions furthest to the east, for they would be vital if it came to war with Parthia. Syria was particularly sensitive. Its cities had greeted Cassius with enthusiasm, and he had supported tyrants who were (it seems) disturbingly sympathetic to Parthia:³³ most of them clearly had to go. So, probably, did Marion, tyrant of Tyre.³⁴ Herod of Judaea was similarly compromised by his

App. BCiv. v. 55.230. ²⁸

Dio xLvni.30.2.

Dio XLvm.24.6 — perhaps guesswork, but as often intelligent.

PossiblyAmorgustoo:cf./Gxii 5.58 and xii Jo/i/i. p. 102no. 38, withSchmitt i957(e872) 186 n. 2; contra, Fraser and Bean 1954 (e 828) 163 n. 3.

EJ²

300, RDCE 57; but it is possible that these privileges were not granted till 32: see RDGE adloc. and Millar 1973 (c 175) 55, 1977 (a 59) 4)6. Cf. also the triumviral inscription from Ephesus concerning travel-privileges for 'teachers, sophists and doctors': Knibbe 1981 (c 138).

⁵² In his letter to the Jews, Joseph. A] xiv.j 12.