The article studies the presence and use of ethnical component in Habsburg «personnel policy» in the Kingdom of Hungary at the turn of the XVIth century. By the example of Ivan Kitonic and several his colleagues – advocates of royal possessions in Hungarian Exchequer (causarum regalium director et corona fiscalis) and Croats by birth – the author puts forward the following important problems: 1) the role of Croatian ethnos in the social and political structure of the double composite monarchy (as a part of the Kingdom of Hungary and Austrian Habsburg monarchy); 2) the principles of forming the bureaucratic apparatus in the Austrian Habsburgs’ territories in the early modern period and the opportunities for the estates of the incorporated kingdoms in the above process; 3) the intensification of the contradictions between the Austrian Habsburgs and the estates that influenced «the personnel policy» of the central power in the Kingdom of Hungary. The author comes to the conclusion that the Croatian nobility, having settled at the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary as a result of the XVIth century migration, integrated its social and political institutions, actively participated in the social life and in both local and central administration. Being closely associated with the Catholic Church and its institutions and as a rule loyal to the Habsburgs, the Croatian nobility and especially those its members that had been educated in law were largely engaged by the authorities for the state service. At the end of the XVIth and at the beginning of the XVIIth century the relations between the Habs-burgs and the Hungarian estates worsened and the Habsburgs started to put various pressures including the persecution of the political elite and confiscation of its possessions. In those circumstances Croatian nobles serving in the central financial institutions turned out indispensable to stand guard over the dynastic interests.
III.III. «FOREIGNERS» IN THE HISTORY OF FRENCH CRAFTS AND MANUFACTURES
Almost all crafts and many oftrade guilds took not an active interest in «foreigners», as showed theirs statutes where the mentions about «foreigners» were very infrequent. The real reason of such an absence was not concerned with the distance to the frontiers of Kingdom, and not with the appearance of foreigners in the city, and theirs claims to practice one or another profession. The corporations considered the «strangers»
On the contrary the French manufactures for silk or cloth in Modern period were open for foreigners – as masters and as journeymen. Moreover, the manufactures were granted the great privilege: if a foreigner became a master of manufacture, he naturalized without any documents and payments. The French manufactures were very interested in the professional secrets and encouraged the opening of new types of fabrics by foreigners – the statutes of manufactures canceled the masterpieces and other tests for those who opened the new and interesting for French specialists secret.
III.IV ETHNIC AND CONFESSIONAL FACTORS IN ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM OF MEDIEVAL SPAIN
This article describes historical experience of medieval administrative system in their Islam and Europe traditions. The comparison is based on a vast and various materials about Iberian political forms: Caliphate of Cordova and Crown of Aragon, Kingdom of Granada and Princedom of Catalunia, taifas and earldoms.
In general, the model of management of
The political power ofMedieval Spain was absolutely indifferent to the ethnic characteristics. The ethnic origin of a man never influenced his life, chance, status or career. On the contrary, the confessional factor was the most important marker for social identification. Participation in administrative structures was limited for Muslims in Christian territories and for Christians in Islamic ones.
Confessional factor was the first and the main one for medieval authorities. On the contrary, ethnic component was pushed back.
We have here certain political culture paradigm formed and established over large areas of the Mediterranean. This paradigm was common and usual here for all political forms which constructed their administration without surviving Roman institutions and customs.