Fear: Trump in the White House

“No,” Dowd replied. “Why don’t we exhaust this thing? Maybe if push comes to shove, I’ll suggest to Bob, give me the questions. We will answer them. And we’ll make a script. You can come over, ask your questions and he’ll read the answers. How can you complain about that when you’ve trusted us on everything we’ve given? Plus the president cannot possibly remember all this. And by the way, he would love to meet you and talk through this thing, but he needs the assistance [of a script].”

“By God, I’ll do that,” Trump said. “That’s great.”

“Well,” Dowd said, “just imagine if you didn’t have the script.”

“I don’t know, John. We just went through that. You think I was struggling?”

“Yeah, you are. But Mr. President, I don’t blame you. It’s not that you’re lying or you’re bad or anything like that. Given your daily intake—just look what we’ve done this afternoon.”

There had been during their conversation several interruptions, two short briefings on world problems and some classified documents for Trump to sign. How could he remember everything?

“You know,” Dowd continued, “that gets in the way of trying to recollect what happened six months ago or nine months ago.”

“That’s great,” Trump said. “I’m with you. I don’t really want to testify.”

The day after the practice session in the White House, Trump called Dowd. “I slept like a rock,” Trump said. “I love that letter. Can I have a copy?”

“No,” Dowd said.

Dowd had the president where he wanted him.

On Monday, January 29, 2018, Dowd and Sekulow signed the letter. Dowd then arranged to deliver the letter to Quarles on February 1. It would be just like in the movies, Dowd thought. Quarles was to walk down the street and hop into Dowd’s parked car.

They exchanged a few pleasantries and asked about each other’s kids.

“Well, here’s your letter,” Dowd said.

“What’s this?”

“In response to your 16 topics,” Dowd said. “And we kind of make our case. I leave the door open. I’m going to push for some specific questions. Think about it. You want to talk about it, tell Bob let’s get together.”

CHAPTER

41

In a meeting in January 2018, Navarro, Ross, Cohn and Porter gathered in the Oval Office. After months of arguing about tariffs from entrenched positions, debates had become heated and sharp.

Cohn, backed by Porter, rehashed the economic arguments and the geopolitical national security arguments. He talked about how tariffs risked roiling the markets and jeopardizing a lot of the stock market gains. He said the tariffs would be, in effect, a tax on American consumers. Tariffs would take away a lot of the good that Trump had done through tax and regulatory reform.

You’re the globalist, Trump said. I don’t even care what you think anymore, Gary.

Trump shooed him away. Cohn retreated to a couch.

Navarro and Porter picked up the debate, with Ross interjecting on Navarro’s side from time to time. Navarro argued that tariffs would raise revenues and be beloved by businesses and unions. He said it would be a great way for Trump to get union support and help his base in advance of the 2018 midterm election.

Porter brought up the Bush tariffs and the net job loss that had occurred. In the years since, Porter argued, downstream industries that consumed and relied on steel—builders and pipelines and the auto industry—had expanded, while there was little potential for expansion of steel manufacturing and production jobs. The job losses under new tariffs would be even more pronounced than the ones during the Bush administration.

Porter said Navarro’s belief that tariffs would be met with widespread acclaim was “just dead wrong.” Many businesses would oppose tariffs because they were buyers and consumers of steel.

“The automakers are going to hate this,” Porter said. “They have narrow margins, and this is going to raise their costs.” Pipeline makers too. “We’re opening up all of these new federal public lands and offshore drilling. It requires people building pipelines.

“And the unions,” Porter said. “Well, that’s crazy. Sure, the steel union is going to love this, but the United Auto Workers isn’t going to like this. The Building and Construction Trades isn’t going to like this. It’s going to up their costs.”

Porter ordinarily tried to remain an honest broker who facilitated the discussion. When he had a strong view, he tended to wait until he was one-on-one with the president. Now he was outing himself as a free trader.

Navarro countered each argument as strenuously as Porter made it. Chief of Staff John Kelly walked into the room midway through the meeting. The president was watching the back-and-forth avidly.

What are you, an economist now? Trump asked Porter after he and Navarro had taken verbal swings at each other for nearly half an hour. What do you know about economics? You’re a lawyer.

Porter said he had studied and tutored others in economics while he was at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar. He pointed out that many of his arguments weren’t strictly economic.