What, in fact, is fantastic in these assumptions? Even under the conditions of autocracy, all of this, without exception,
The elevation of Prince Vasilii to the throne marked an epoch in our political history. On ascending the throne, he limited his power, and set forth the conditions of this limitation officially in a document which he sent out to the provinces, and for which he kissed the Cross on ascending the throne.[113]
The next attempt was made four years later, on February 4, 1610, in the so-called constitution of Mikhail Saltykov. Kliuchevskii thinks that "this is a fundamental law for a constitutional monarchy, establishing both the structure of the supreme power and the basic rights of the subjects."[114] And even so venomous a critic of the Russian political heritage as B. N. Chicherin (whom all of the "despotists" put together might have envied) is compelled to admit that this document "contains significant limitations on the power of the tsar; if it had been put into effect, the Russian state would have taken on an entirely different form."[115] One more attempt to realize Article 98 was undertaken by the supreme privy council in the so-called constitution of Di- mitrii Golitsyn (January 23, 1730). Finally, this article was once again "put into effect," 356 years after its adoption and 300 years after the first attempt to realize it, on May 6, 1906—only to be once more violated by the tsar the very next year, and finally abolished on October 25, 1917. But even after the 1917 revolution, the Bolshevik autocracy was compelled, although temporarily, to give back to the peasantry the land taken from it by the first Oprichnina revolution in the sixteenth century.
It is true that the autocracy distorted and mystified all of these developments, and deprived them of the
The struggle for this alternative did not end when the founding father of the Russian absolutist tradition, Ivan III, ended his days on earth in 1505. On the contrary, its decisive battles were still ahead. At the beginning of the 1550s, when the so-called "Government of Compromise"[116] took the helm, it may even have seemed that the scales were inclined in favor of the continuers of Ivan Ill's cause—in favor of the reformers, the Non-Acquirers, and what may, in general, be called the coalition of hope.