Читаем The World полностью

In Africa, no one intervened. In April 1994, Hutu tribesmen in Rwanda launched a carefully planned slaughter of their Tutsi neighbours, aiming to annihilate them completely. The colonial powers, Germany and Belgium, had long favoured the Tutsi, stirring Hutu resentment that led to massacres just before the country became independent. But France, always keen to promote Françafrique, adopted Rwanda as a sort of colonial foster child, backing the Hutu leadership and training its militias. When the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front, led by a gangly general named Paul Kagame, rebelled, France regarded this as a British-backed challenge to

Françafrique. Although Paris did not abet the coming slaughter, it had certainly done nothing to restrain it. When the Rwandan president was shot down by the RPF, Hutus embarked on genocide, killing, often with machetes, over 500,000 Tutsi in a few days. France intervened only partially and very late before the RPF invaded from the Uganda–Congo borderlands and installed Kagame as dictator. The ambitions of Rwanda and Uganda now blew back to support Congo’s own warlords and elite in a continental blood bath, Congo’s Great African War an atrocious struggle for minerals and power.*
Neither European powers nor western intelligentsia showed much interest as the catastrophe killed around 5.4 million.

Back in Moscow, Yeltsin was challenged by a new breed of authoritarian ultra-nationalists in the Russian Supreme Soviet, who defied him from a fortified White House and criticized his pro-American free-market liberalism that had sent the economy into freefall – GDP dropped by 50 per cent; law and order collapsed, with Mafiosi openly assassinating their enemies and infiltrating business. As the White House voted to depose Yeltsin, its forces occupied the TV station at Ostankino and built barricades in the streets; Moscow emptied. Yeltsin’s security chief Korzhakov advised sending in the tanks. ‘Fascist–Communist armed rebellion in Moscow,’ warned Yeltsin, ‘will be suppressed.’ On 3 October 1993, his commandos seized the TV station; the fighting raged all night. Yeltsin’s tanks fired on the White House (watched in person by this author), as it was stormed by his commandos. The autocratic Yeltsin won out: ‘Russia needs order.’

Yeltsin was determined to hold together the Russian Federation,* itself a honeycomb of ethnic republics. Its most contumacious people were the Islamic Chechens, deported to Siberia by Stalin in 1944. Now, led by an ex-Soviet air force general, this warrior people, controlled by clans and warlords, claimed a messy independence. Yeltsin surrounded Grozny, a feverish city where this author watched posses of militiamen cavort in surreal uniforms, some wearing spangled holsters, as they waited for the Russian assault. In December 1994, Yeltsin ordered the killing of the Chechen leaders by a car bomb to be followed by the storming of Grozny; his defence minister, Grachev, promised to take it in ‘two hours with one airborne regiment’. Instead Russian troops were savaged by the Chechens, who ultimately retook the city. In 1996, Yeltsin was humiliatingly forced to withdraw.

By June that year, Yeltsin, drinking and sick with arteriosclerosis, was facing an election that the resurgent Communists were likely to win. General Korzhakov, who boasted that he had ‘governed the country for three years’, advised cancelling the elections. But Yeltsin’s daughter Tatiana, a thirty-six-year-old engineer who had worked in the Soviet space industry, took control, calling in the oligarchs. These were led by a Jewish mathematician and engineer, Boris Berezovsky, who had made billions taking over AvtoVAZ car factories and Siberian oil companies. He had won the family’s trust organizing the publication of Yeltsin’s memoirs. Now he became Yeltsin’s ‘grey cardinal’, nicknamed Rasputin. ‘In history many times,’ he told this author, ‘financiers influenced states: aren’t we like the Medici?’ Even more trusted – and discreet – was Berezovsky’s quiet young protégé, Roman Abramovich. Tatiana had left her husband for Yeltsin’s ghostwriter, Valentin Yumachev, whom she later married. He was soon promoted to Yeltsin’s chief of staff, forming this court around the president – the Familia

.

It was not the only family in power. On 21 January 1994, Bassel al-Assad, heir to the presidency of Syria, accompanied by his first cousin Hafez Makhlouf, Republican Guard officer, was speeding to the airport in his Mercedes on the way to a ski holiday when he lost control.

KNIGHTS OF DAMASCUS, MARXIST MONSTER MOVIES AND KINGS OF DATA: IPHONES AND DAGGERS

Перейти на страницу:

Похожие книги

Знаменитые мистификации
Знаменитые мистификации

Мистификации всегда привлекали и будут привлекать к себе интерес ученых, историков и простых обывателей. Иногда тайное становится явным, и тогда загадка или казавшееся великим открытие становится просто обманом, так, как это было, например, с «пилтдаунским человеком», считавшимся некоторое время промежуточным звеном в эволюционной цепочке, или же с многочисленными и нередко очень талантливыми литературными мистификациями. Но нередко все попытки дать однозначный ответ так и остаются безуспешными. Существовала ли, например, библиотека Ивана Грозного из тысяч бесценных фолиантов? Кто на самом деле был автором бессмертных пьес Уильяма Шекспира – собственно человек по имени Уильям Шекспир или кто-то другой? Какова судьба российского императора Александра I? Действительно ли он скончался, как гласит официальная версия, в 1825 году в Таганроге, или же он, инсценировав собственную смерть, попытался скрыться от мирской суеты? Об этих и других знаменитых мистификациях, о версиях, предположениях и реальных фактах читатель узнает из этой книги.

Оксана Евгеньевна Балазанова

Культурология / История / Образование и наука
Повседневная жизнь французов во времена Религиозных войн
Повседневная жизнь французов во времена Религиозных войн

Книга Жана Мари Констана посвящена одному из самых драматических периодов в истории Франции — Религиозным войнам, длившимся почти сорок лет и унесшим тысячи человеческих жизней. Противостояние католиков и гугенотов в этой стране явилось частью общеевропейского процесса, начавшегося в XVI веке и известного под названием Реформации. Анализируя исторические документы, привлекая мемуарную литературу и архивные изыскания современных исследователей, автор показывает, что межконфессиональная рознь, проявления религиозного фанатизма одинаково отвратительны как со стороны господствующей, так и со стороны гонимой религии. Несомненный интерес представляет авторский анализ выборной системы, существовавшей во Франции в те далекие времена.

Жан Мари Констан

Культурология / История / Образование и наука