Sexual McCarthyism works with marginalization to discourage solidarity among the accused. In order to secure the credentials of normalcy, to remain in the safe precincts of what anthropologist Gayle Rubin describes as the “systems of sexual stigma,” the targeted person distances herself from those who are even further out on the edges. The sex education community, already reeling from the Right’s pummeling, declined to come to my aid. Thus divided and conquered, it’s not unusual for victims of an attack to blame each other, rather than the real source of their pain. One prominent sex educator wrote me, “You should think about the harm you’ve done to sexuality education by dragging us into your pedophile thing.”
But when called a pervert, one often goes further than not helping others accused of perversion. Ashamed, one wins respectability by expressing disgust for the “real” perverts. “What do you think of NAMBLA?” I was often asked. That’s the North American Man Boy Love Association, an advocacy/support group for men with intergenerational sexual desires. “I think they’re creeps,” I replied to one interviewer. But I am angry at myself for doing that. NAMBLA is a tiny, ineffectual group, exercising its right to free speech; it doesn’t advocate criminal activity. Already utterly despised, NAMBLA’s members don’t need me trashing them, too.
Naming names of the “true” subversive gains the witness immunity from prosecution. This is how McCarthyism works—until, of course, someone names your name.
Anti-lntellectualism
“The road to hell is paved with academic studies,” wrote the
But if the wrong kind of sex at the wrong time inevitably wreaks unparalleled harm, as my critics contend, then such idle conceiving might itself be harmful, because it might weaken a crucially important social taboo and lead to more sexual abuse. This is the principle behind all censorship: that bad ideas lead to bad acts. To the Family Research Council, no datum is neutral. All are charged with moral freight. Knowledge is propaganda. Indeed, the indictment of both pornography and sexuality education is that they work as advertisements, users manuals for sex.
There is something to this argument. The Right understands that science and art are ideological. They know that ideas matter. Indeed, Gayle Rubin—hardly a Christian conservative—viewed Kinsey’s neutrality toward everything we now call “queer” as a step toward tolerance of sexual difference; she praised him for it. Of course, tolerance of sexual difference is what the Right abhors. They call it “defining deviancy down.”
Lately, the Right has started to appropriate “science” to its own ends—for instance, changing the name of Christian creationism to “creation science” and circulating long-discredited studies that link abortion to breast cancer. Such tactics play on Americans’ faith in scientific expertise. But Americans simultaneously worship and mistrust experts, especially outside the hard scientists. For many, the only unassailable expertise is gleaned from personal experience, and from emotion uninfected by reason.
Thus, the daytime TV talk shows always invite, as foils to the ivory-tower expert with the university press book, a “real person” - a parent, a teen, or best of all, a “victim.” This person is presumed to be a source of down-home wisdom and pain, as if the expert might not also be a parent or the victim of a painful experience.
Here, from a monitoring service’s synopsis of Fox’s
“Visual - Newsfile. Judith Levine argues that children of all ages are sexual beings. She says they should be free to seek out pleasure with consenting peers.
Jillian talks about this. She was molested as child. She wants to punch these people in the face. NAMBLA is a group that advocates sex between men and boys. Jillian is [a] huge Howard Stern fan. She flew American Airlines and loves the women on there.”
I don’t mean to ridicule Jillian, whoever she is, but rather to point out the way in which her experience of abuse gives her authority, far more than someone like me, who only studies abuse.
Terror